The development of a road safety policy index and its application in evaluating the effects of road safety policy.

The paper presents an exploratory study of a road safety policy index developed for Norway. The index consists of ten road safety measures for which data on their use from 1980 to 2021 are available. The ten measures were combined into an index which had an initial value of 50 in 1980 and increased to a value of 185 in 2021. To assess the application of the index in evaluating the effects of road safety policy, negative binomial regression models and multivariate time series models were developed for traffic fatalities, fatalities and serious injuries, and all injuries. The coefficient for the policy index was negative, indicating the road safety policy has contributed to reducing the number of fatalities and injuries. The size of this contribution can be estimated by means of at least three estimators that do not always produce identical values. There is little doubt about the sign of the relationship: a stronger road safety policy (as indicated by index values) is associated with a larger decline in fatalities and injuries. A precise quantification is, however, not possible. Different estimators of effect, all of which can be regarded as plausible, yield different results.

Addressing childhood cancer: actions taken in the Dominican Republic / Abordaje del cáncer infantil: medidas adoptadas en República Dominicana / Enfrentamento do câncer infantil: medidas tomadas na República Dominicana

[ABSTRACT]. This report provides a summary of childhood cancer and the efforts made in the Dominican Republic to address child and adolescent cancer in line with the World Health Organization’s Global Initiative for Childhood Cancer. Information was obtained by review of recent local and international literature on pediatric oncology. As a result of the Global Initiative, a meeting was held by the Council of Ministers of Health of Central America to support the development of national pediatric cancer plans for each country. The objectives of these plans are to improve overall survival and quality of care for children with cancer through early detection, diagnosis, and treatment. In the Dominican Republic, several steps have been taken in the past 5 years to enhance diagnosis and care of children with cancer. For example, the National Committee of Childhood Cancer, headed by the Ministry of Public Health and including relevant stakeholders, was established to develop the national childhood cancer plan. In addition, a campaign was launched to raise awareness of childhood cancer, and the first early detection manual and public policy on child and adolescent cancer were published. A government initiative has been working to improve the hospital infrastructure and expand the pediatric cancer center, and a national course on early detection of pediatric cancers has been held. In 2023, the National Strategic Childhood Cancer Plan 2023–2030 was launched in the Dominican Republic. The plan will help policy-makers, implementers, researchers, and advocates enhance diagnosis and care of children with cancer.

[RESUMEN]. En este informe se presenta un resumen del cáncer infantil y las medidas adoptadas por República Dominicana para abordar el cáncer en la población infantil y adolescente en consonancia con la Iniciativa Mundial contra el Cáncer Infantil de la Organización Mundial de la Salud. La información se obtuvo mediante el análisis de las publicaciones nacionales e internacionales recientes sobre oncología pediátrica. Como resultado de la Iniciativa Mundial, el Consejo de Ministros de Salud de Centroamérica celebró una reunión para brindar apoyo a la elaboración de planes nacionales sobre el cáncer infantil para cada país. Los objetivos de estos planes son mejorar la supervivencia general y la calidad de la atención que se presta a la población infantil con cáncer mediante la detección temprana, el diagnóstico y el tratamiento. En los últimos cinco años, República Dominicana ha adoptado varias medidas para mejorar el diagnóstico y la atención prestada a la población infantil con cáncer. Así, por ejemplo, se creó el Comité Nacional de Cáncer Infantil, encabezado por el Ministerio de Salud e integrado por las partes interesadas pertinentes, para elaborar el plan nacional sobre el cáncer infantil. Además, se puso en marcha una campaña de sensibilización sobre el cáncer infantil y se publicaron el primer manual de detección precoz y la primera política pública sobre el cáncer en la población infantil y adolescente. Mediante una iniciativa gubernamental se ha buscado mejorar la infraestructura hospitalaria y ampliar el centro de atención a pacientes oncológicos pediátricos, al tiempo que se ha impartido un curso nacional sobre detección precoz del cáncer infantil. En el 2023, República Dominicana puso en marcha el Plan Estratégico Nacional sobre Cáncer Infantil 2023-2030. Este plan será útil a los responsables de la formulación de políticas, las personas encargadas de su ejecución, los investigadores y los promotores para mejorar el diagnóstico y la atención prestada a la población infantil con cáncer.

[RESUMO]. Este relatório fornece um resumo sobre o câncer infantil e os esforços da República Dominicana para enfrentar a doença em crianças e adolescentes, em consonância com a Iniciativa Global para o Câncer Infantil da Organização Mundial da Saúde. As informações foram obtidas por meio de uma revisão da literatura local e internacional recente sobre oncologia pediátrica. Em consequência da Iniciativa Global, o Conselho de Ministros da Saúde da América Central se reuniu para apoiar a elaboração de planos nacionais de câncer pediátrico para cada país. Os objetivos desses planos são melhorar a sobrevida global e a qualidade da atenção a crianças com câncer por meio de detecção, diagnóstico e tratamento precoces. Na República Dominicana, várias medidas foram tomadas nos últimos cinco anos para melhorar o diagnóstico e a atenção a crianças com câncer. Por exemplo, o Comitê Nacional de Câncer Infantil, que é chefiado pelo Ministério da Saúde e inclui as partes interessadas pertinentes, foi criado para elaborar o plano nacional de câncer infantil. Foi lançada uma campanha de conscientização sobre o câncer infantil no país. Além disso, foram publica- dos o primeiro manual de detecção precoce e a política pública de câncer infantojuvenil. Uma iniciativa do governo vem trabalhando para melhorar a infraestrutura hospitalar e ampliar o centro de câncer pediátrico e ministrou um curso nacional sobre a detecção precoce de cânceres pediátricos. Em 2023, foi lançado o Plano Estratégico Nacional de Câncer Infantil 2023–2030 na República Dominicana. O plano ajudará formuladores de políticas, implementadores, pesquisadores e defensores da causa a aprimorar o diagnóstico e a atenção a crianças com câncer.

[Asymmetries between national articulation and the autonomy of state governments in implementing health technologies to fight COVID-19 in Argentina]. / Asimetrías entre la coordinación nacional y la autonomía de los gobiernos estatales en la adopción de tecnologías sanitarias frente a la COVID-19 en Argentina.

Argentina, as other countries, showed several public policies related to the health technologies implemented to fight and treat the COVID-19 pandemic. This study sought to analyze how articulation vs. cooperation and autonomy vs. division of powers between entities occurred in Argentina, exploring asymmetries between several entities in implementing public policies related to health technologies during the pandemic and the influences of other actors. For this, a documentary research was carried out related to 2020-2021 (technical reports published by the World Health Organization, national agencies and scientific societies, laws, court decisions, press, and research and in-depth interviews with members of the Argentine Ministries of Health). The processes and results of decision-making in the Ministries of Health were analyzed, outlining the coverage and orientations of each technology and the political party in power in the province. This study found heterogeneous results and processes between Ministries and disputes within them. It also observed the poor adherence to official guidelines due to technical-political criteria (power relations, social, media, academic, judiciary, and legislative pressure). Some cases showed a strong tension between the government and its opposition over the discussion of technologies. Each province in Argentina has autonomously defined its policies on health technologies for COVID-19, and decision-making in public administration was disorderly, complex, and non-linear during the pandemic.

En pandemia, en Argentina y en otros países se observó variabilidad en las políticas públicas implementadas sobre tecnologías sanitarias para prevención y tratamiento de la COVID-19. El objetivo fue analizar cómo se procesaron en Argentina los movimientos de coordinación vs. cooperación, y de autonomía vs. reparto de autoridad entre entidades, explorando asimetrías entre diferentes entidades en la implementación de políticas públicas sobre tecnologías sanitarias en pandemia y las influencias de otros actores. Se realizó una revisión documental del período 2020-2021 (informes técnicos publicados por la Organización Mundial de la Salud, organismos nacionales y sociedades científicas, leyes, fallos judiciales, prensa, encuestas y entrevistas en profundidad a miembros de los Ministerios de Salud de Argentina). Se indagó sobre procesos y resultados de la toma de decisiones en los Ministerios de Salud, mapeando la cobertura y recomendación de cada tecnología y el partido político provincial gobernante. Hubo heterogeneidad en resultados y procesos entre los Ministerios, y disputas en el interior de los mismos. La adherencia a recomendaciones oficiales fue baja, influyendo distintos criterios técnico-políticos (relaciones de poder, presión social, de los medios, académicos, poder Judicial y Legislativo). En algunos casos se observó una fuerte tensión entre oficialismo y oposición al partido gobernante a partir de la discusión sobre tecnologías. Cada provincia argentina definió sus políticas sobre tecnologías sanitarias para COVID-19 con autonomía, y la toma de decisiones en la administración pública en pandemia fue desordenada, compleja y no lineal.

Na Argentina, assim como em outros países, houve uma variabilidade de políticas públicas relacionadas às tecnologias de saúde implementadas no combate e tratamento da COVID-19 durante a pandemia. Este estudo buscou analisar como ocorreram a articulação vs. cooperação, e a autonomia vs. divisão de poderes entre as entidades na Argentina, explorando assimetrias entre diferentes entidades na implementação de políticas públicas relacionadas a tecnologias de saúde na pandemia, bem como as influências de outros atores. Para tanto, realizou-se uma pesquisa documental para o período de 2020-2021 (relatórios técnicos publicados pela Organização Mundial da Saúde, agências nacionais e sociedades científicas, leis, decisões judiciais, imprensa, pesquisas e entrevistas em profundidade com membros dos Ministérios da Saúde da Argentina). Os processos e os resultados da tomada de decisão nos Ministérios da Saúde foram analisados, traçando a cobertura e orientações de cada tecnologia e o partido político no poder na província. Observou-se uma heterogeneidade nos resultados e processos entre os Ministérios, e disputas em seu interior. Houve uma baixa adesão às orientações oficiais, influenciada por diferentes critérios técnico-políticos (relações de poder, pressão social, midiática, acadêmica, do poder Judiciário e do Legislativo). Em alguns casos, observou-se uma forte tensão entre governo e oposição a partir da discussão das tecnologias. Cada província da Argentina definiu suas políticas sobre tecnologias de saúde para a COVID-19 de forma autônoma, e a tomada de decisões na administração pública foi desordenada, complexa e não linear durante a pandemia.

Proxy failure in social policies as one of the main causes of persistent sexism and racism.

One example of proxy failure is current antisexist and antiracist policies. One of the most popular proxy in them is the number of representatives of marginalized groups - women and nonwhite people - in power structures. Here I show that such measures do not lead to combating sexism and racism, which flourish despite their application.

State paid family leave policies and infant maltreatment.

BACKGROUND: Growing research points to economic policies as protective mechanisms for vulnerable families. Research on pediatric abusive head trauma suggests that paid family leave (PFL) may protect infants in the general population from physical abuse. OBJECTIVE: To examine the association of state-level paid family leave policies with infant (ages 0-1) maltreatment rates. PARTICIPANTS AND SETTING: A state-level panel dataset was constructed from the National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System (2002-2019) data on infant maltreatment investigations among four states with PFL (California, New Jersey, New York, and Rhode Island) and 36 states without PFL. METHODS: A piecewise longitudinal model and a nested model comparison were conducted to estimate the treatment effect of PFL on the population rate of infant maltreatment investigations. Supplementary analyses examined the moderating effect of three covariates. RESULT: PFL reduced the linear rate of change in infant maltreatment rates in the states where it was enacted by a factor of 0.979 for each year post-policy implementation compared to states without such policies, B = -0.021, SE = 0.008, 95 % CI = [-0.036,-0.005]. Examining treatment states only, the slope of infant maltreatment became significantly shallower post-policy implementation, χ2(1) = 3.178, p = .075. Interactions testing the moderating effects of family poverty and adults with less than high school education were significant, B = -0.304, 95 % CI = [-0.564,-0.052]; B = -0.511, 95 % CI = [-0.799,-0.249], respectively. CONCLUSION: Results suggest that PFL has a beneficial effect on infant maltreatment rates and add to growing evidence that policies aimed to support household economic stability could be a vital child maltreatment prevention policy tool.

Alcohol to-go sales policies at on-premise drinking establishments near large public US universities during the COVID-19 pandemic.

AIMS: Sweeping policy changes during the COVID-19 pandemic increased alcohol availability through permitted to-go sales, potentially posing unique risks to college students. While to-go sales may make binge drinking more convenient, little remains known about these practices. Therefore, this study aimed to assess whether drinking establishments' to-go sales practices are associated with their other operational practices and state policy. METHOD: This cross-sectional analysis included 221 randomly selected bars, nightclubs, and restaurants within two miles of a large public university. Telephone interviews assessed establishment practices, and the Alcohol Policy Information System provided state alcohol to-go laws. Regression models tested whether establishment to-go sales practices were associated with their business practices (logistic regression) and state policy (generalized estimating equations). RESULTS: Nearly one-half (44.8%) of drinking establishments sold alcohol to-go. Establishments with higher vodka prices had nearly 30% higher odds of selling spirits to-go (aOR = 1.29) and establishments offering happy hours specials had more than twice the odds of selling beer (aOR = 2.22), wine (aOR = 2.53), and spirits to-go (aOR = 2.60). Additionally, establishments that implemented physical distance requirements had higher odds of selling wine to-go (aOR = 3.00). State to-go laws were associated with higher odds of selling wine (aOR = 3.99) and spirits to-go (aOR = 5.43) in the full sample and beer to-go (aOR = 4.92) in urban counties. CONCLUSIONS: Establishments that sell alcohol to-go tend to engage in other practices designed to drive sales. Evaluations of alcohol to-go sales laws on risky consumption among priority populations, including college students, are urgently needed to inform decisions about how to appropriately regulate sales.

["We are families too": LGBT experiences and demands for access to Surrogacy in Argentina]. / "También somos familias": experiencias y demandas LGBT por el acceso a la gestación por sustitución en Argentina.

Surrogacy (GS) has been established as a means of access to male homoparenting and, despite not being regulated in Argentina, it is negotiated in a "paralegal" scenario. For some time now, LGBT organizations have proposed regulation based on the argument that GS represents the only option available for a male homosexual couple to have a child with a genetic link, albeit with only one of them, and consecutively acknowledge the family ties of both. By means of ethnographic work carried out within the scope of a postgraduate research project, our objective is to ascertain the experiences of male homosexual couples who seek the legitimacy of GS processes and equal access to the healthcare system. With this in mind, we seek a reflection that articulates the construction of public health policies and the claims of sectors of the LGBT movement, focusing on the meanings of the collective experience, on the ways in which these actors organize their family demands, and on the conceptions and practices that articulate these claims with the production of public policies.

La gestación por sustitución (GS) se ha instalado como una vía de acceso a la homoparentalidad masculina y pese a que en Argentina no está reglamentada, se lleva adelante en un escenario "paralegal". Desde hace tiempo, organizaciones LGBT proponen su regulación bajo el argumento de que la GS representa la única opción que tiene una pareja de varones homosexuales de tener un/a hijo/a con lazo genético, aunque sólo con uno de ellos, y reconocer consecutivamente ambos vínculos filiatorios. A través del trabajo etnográfico realizado en el marco de un proyecto de investigación de posgrado, nuestro objetivo es recuperar las experiencias de parejas gays que buscan la legitimidad de los procesos de GS y el acceso igualitario en el sistema de salud. En ello, apuntamos a una reflexión que articula la construcción de políticas públicas en salud y los reclamos de sectores del movimiento LGBT, poniendo el foco en los sentidos de la experiencia colectiva, en los modos en que estos actores organizan sus demandas familiaristas y en las concepciones y prácticas que articulan esos reclamos con la producción de políticas públicas.

Intersectionality and challenges in support for chest-feeding transgender men. / Desafios para o suporte à amamentação em homens transgêneros sob à luz da interseccionalidade.

This article tried, from an intersectional standpoint, to grasp the challenges experienced by health professionals and service users of human milk banks in provision of care for transgender men chestfeeding. This exploratory, descriptive qualitative study drew on interviews of six human milk bank staff, who had previously assisted trans men in relation to chestfeeding and two bisexual trans men, who chestfed. The data was treated by thematic analysis, supported by Atlas.ti software, version 9.0. Lacunas in the educational, institutional and management spheres, associated with personal and social issues, reproduce a pre-conceived normative model and disregard the special demands of providing chestfeeding care for the trans population. Cisheteronormativity and "professional supremacy" operate in personal, social and institutional respects to segregate transgender men in lactation support services. Intersectional analysis of these challenges affords an overall view of segregative factors and enables public policies to be introduced to promote social justice.

O objetivo deste artigo é apreender os desafios nas vivências dos usuários e profissionais de Banco de Leite Humano no atendimento a homens transgêneros no contexto da amamentação sob à luz da Interseccionalidade. Estudo qualitativo descritivo-exploratório a partir de entrevistas realizadas com seis profissionais do Banco de Leite Humano, que atenderam previamente homens trans no contexto de amamentação, e dois homens trans bissexuais, que amamentaram ao peito. Os dados foram tratados pela Análise Temática com auxílio do software Atlas.ti versão 9.0. Observam-se lacunas nas esferas educacionais, institucionais e na gestão, associadas a questões pessoais e sociais, que reproduzem um modelo pré-concebido normativo, desconsiderando as singularidades requeridas no atendimento à população trans no contexto da amamentação. A cisheteronormatividade e a supremacia do profissional operam em âmbitos pessoais, sociais e institucionais para a segregação de homens transgêneros nos serviços de suporte à amamentação. A análise interseccional destes desafios permite uma visão global dos fatores de segregação e a implementação de políticas públicas promotoras da justiça social.

Do tougher drinking policies affect men's smoking behavior - Evidence from China.

In 2011, China implemented tougher driving-under-the-influence laws, which criminalized driving under the influence of alcohol for the first time and increased penalties. This paper provides the first comprehensive analysis of the effects of stricter drinking policies on men's smoking behavior by using data from the 2010 and 2012 waves of the China Family Panel Studies. The results show that stricter drinking policies reduced smoking initiation and the number of cigarettes smoked per day among men by reducing the frequency and quantity of alcohol consumption. Heterogeneity analyses show that the impact of the policy is more pronounced not only for men aged 41-55, but also for men who have higher educational qualifications, who are employed, or who are not members of the Communist Party.

Financial scarcity, psychological well-being and perceptions: an evaluation of the Nigerian currency redesign policy outcomes.

BACKGROUND: The relationship between insufficient financial resources and psychological health has been extensively studied and established in various contexts. However, there remains uncertainty regarding the potential impact of the Nigerian naira currency redesign policy on the psychological well-being of Nigerians. This policy, which aimed to demonetize the economy and promote economic stability, involved changes to the physical appearance of some naira denominations (200, 500 and 1000). Understanding the effects of this policy on psychological health is essential for evaluating its overall societal impact and identifying potential areas for improvement in future currency redesign initiatives. METHODS: The study is a cross-sectional mixed-methods study involving 2237 respondents across the six geopolitical zones of Nigeria. Utilizing the simple random, snowball and convenience sampling technique, social media platforms (Facebook and WhatsApp) were used to recruit respondents. Variables were analyzed at descriptive and inferential levels. The qualitative component comprised seven (7) in-depth interviews with participants across the geo-political zones. RESULTS: The perceptions of respondents towards the policy were diverse across different demographic groups. It was widely perceived that the timing of the policy was inappropriate, considering the challenges faced in utilizing online payment platforms and the significant inaccessibility of cash. Furthermore, the analysis revealed that demographic variables played a role in explaining systematic variations in the experience of financial scarcity and its effect on psychological health during the cash crunch that ensued as a result of the Nigerian naira currency redesign policy. CONCLUSIONS: This study identified a significant association between the psychological inventory of financial scarcity and psychological well-being among residents in Nigeria during the cash crunch resulting from the Naira redesign policy. The findings suggest that the financial scarcity experienced by Nigerians due to the policy had a substantial impact on individuals' psychological well-being. We recommend that a holistic approach be undertaken by policymakers to ensure that policy actions not only address economic objectives but also safeguard the mental health and overall well-being of the population.

Public-Private Partnerships in Mexico: Implications of Engaging With the Food and Beverage Industry for Public Health Nutrition.

BACKGROUND: In the last few years, Mexico adopted public health policies to tackle non-communicable diseases (NCDs), such as front of package nutrition labelling, food marketing restrictions to children, and a soda tax. In parallel, transnational food and beverage industries (F&BIs), their allies, and the government have agreed on public-private partnerships (PPPs) to implement policies or deliver programs. However, research has questioned the benefits of PPPs and exposed its limitations as a suitable mechanism to improve public health. This study analyses how four PPPs between the Mexican government, the F&BI, and allies are working to achieve their goals. We critically assessed the objectives, scope, reported impacts, governance principles and perceived risks and benefits for the public health agenda of these PPPs. METHODS: This qualitative study is based on 26 interviews with key actors, and 170 publicly available documents, including 22 obtained through freedom of information (FOI) requests related to four purposively selected PPPs aiming to improve health. RESULTS: We found that the four PPPs studied had minimal public information available on their implementation and impact. The private partners tend to dictate the design, information management, and implementation of the programs, while promoting their brands. Few independent evaluations of the PPPs exist, and none reported on their effectiveness or public health benefits. Good governance principles, such as accountability, transparency, fairness, participation, integrity, and credibility, were barely followed in each of the cases studied. Public officials did not automatically question the conflict of interest (CoI) of such arrangements. When there were COI, the potential risks these posed did not always outweigh the financial benefits of working with the F&BI and its allies. CONCLUSION: The four PPPs studied produced minimal gains for public health while boosting credibility for the participating transnational F&BIs. It shows the lack of awareness of how these PPPs might be hindering public health gains.

Politics-evidence conflict in national health policy making in Africa: a scoping review.

BACKGROUND: Generally, public health policy-making is hardly a linear process and is characterized by interactions among politicians, institutions, researchers, technocrats and practitioners from diverse fields, as well as brokers, interest groups, financiers and a gamut of other actors. Meanwhile, most public health policies and systems in Africa appear to be built loosely on technical and scientific evidence, but with high political systems and ideologies. While studies on national health policies in Africa are growing, there seems to be inadequate evidence mapping on common themes and concepts across existing literature. PURPOSE: The study seeks to explore the extent and type of evidence that exist on the conflict between politics and scientific evidence in the national health policy-making processes in Africa. METHODS: A thorough literature search was done in PubMed, Cochrane Library, ScienceDirect, Dimensions, Taylor and Francis, Chicago Journals, Emerald Insight, JSTOR and Google Scholar. In total, 43 peer-reviewed articles were eligible and used for this review. RESULT: We found that the conflicts to evidence usage in policy-making include competing interests and lack of commitment; global policy goals, interest/influence, power imbalance and funding, morals; and evidence-based approaches, self-sufficiency, collaboration among actors, policy priorities and existing structures. Barriers to the health policy process include fragmentation among actors, poor advocacy, lack of clarity on the agenda, inadequate evidence, inadequate consultation and corruption. The impact of the politics-evidence conflict includes policy agenda abrogation, suboptimal policy development success and policy implementation inadequacies. CONCLUSIONS: We report that political interests in most cases influence policy-makers and other stakeholders to prioritize financial gains over the use of research evidence to policy goals and targets. This situation has the tendency for inadequate health policies with poor implementation gaps. Addressing these issues requires incorporating relevant evidence into health policies, making strong leadership, effective governance and a commitment to public health.

Risk perceptions and behaviors concerning rural tourism and economic-political drivers of COVID-19 policy in 2020.

When COVID-19 was first introduced to the United States, state and local governments enacted a variety of policies intended to mitigate the virulence of the epidemic. At the time, the most effective measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19 included stay-at-home orders, closing of nonessential businesses, and mask mandates. Although it was well known that regions with high population density and cold climates were at the highest risk for disease spread, rural counties that are economically reliant on tourism were incentivized to enact fewer precautions against COVID-19. The uncertainty of the COVID-19 pandemic, the multiple policies to reduce transmission, and the changes in outdoor recreation behavior had a significant impact on rural tourism destinations and management of protected spaces. We utilize fine-scale incidence and demographic data to study the relationship between local economic and political concerns, COVID-19 mitigation measures, and the subsequent severity of outbreaks throughout the continental United States. We also present results from an online survey that measured travel behavior, health risk perceptions, knowledge and experience with COVID-19, and evaluation of destination attributes by 407 out-of-state visitors who traveled to Maine from 2020 to 2021. We synthesize this research to present a narrative on how perceptions of COVID-19 risk and public perceptions of rural tourism put certain communities at greater risk of illness throughout 2020. This research could inform future rural destination management and public health policies to help reduce negative socioeconomic, health and environmental impacts of pandemic-derived changes in travel and outdoor recreation behavior.

Research on the generative logic and configuration effects of the policy implementation environment in China's grassroots digital construction: Traceability based on grounded theory and the validation of the csQCA method.

Using NVivo12plus software, this study constructs a generation model of the policy implementation environment in China's grassroots digital construction by examining the data from interviews with 37 Chinese grassroots civil servants as its research object. At the same time, with the help of the csQCA method and on the basis of rooted coding, using Tosmana software, the model validation and model expansion of 37 cases were carried out. This study shows that the main components of the policy implementation environment in China's grassroots digital construction include five main dimensions: cognitive, emotional, behavioral, normative and control. At the initial stage of China's grassroots digital construction, the cognitive environment dimension is the most critical link in the environmental governance of policy implementation. The cognitive and normative environments dominate the effect pattern of China's grassroots digital policy implementation. There are six types of motivation patterns for the environmental effect of the implementation of grassroots digital policy: know-doing-norm, cognitive-dominant, know-doing-control, emotion-control, behavior-lacking and regulation-dominant types. Based on the above analysis, there are three main policy suggestions to promote the generation of a productive policy implementation environment and positive policy effects in China's digital construction: "degree", "force" and "sense". These suggestions include strengthening the top-level design, improving the integration and cooperation degree of the environment, taking the root at the grassroots level to improve the adaptability of the environment, as well as increasing publicity and promotion to improve the sense of environmental experience.

France needs a chief science adviser.

France is at a crossroads, facing environmental and social challenges that are profoundly altering its society. Yet, the French government keeps prioritizing short-term political gains over long-term evidence-based planning for major transitions that France, like most countries, will undergo over the next 20 years. There is an urgent need for France to implement long-term science-informed policy-making.

Society and Nuclear Energy: What Is the Role for Radiological Protection?

ABSTRACT: The harm that society expects from ionizing radiation does not match experience. Evidently there is some basic error in this assumption. A reconsideration based on scientific principles shows how simple misunderstandings have exaggerated dangers. The consequences for society are far-reaching. The immediate impact of ionizing radiation on living tissue is destructive. However, this oxidative damage is similar to that produced during normal metabolic activity where the subsequent biological reaction is not only protective but also stimulates enhanced protection. This adaptation means that the response to oxidative damage depends on past experience. Similarly, social reaction to a radiological accident depends on the regulations and attitudes generated by the perception of previous instances. These shape whether nuclear technology and ionizing radiation are viewed as beneficial or as matters to avoid. Evidence of the spurious damage to society caused by such persistent fear in the second half of the 20 th century suggests that these laws and attitudes should be rebased on evidence. The three stages of radiological impact-the initial physical damage, the subsequent biological response, and the personal and social reaction-call on quite different logic and understanding. When these are confused, they lead to regulations and public policy decisions that are often inept, dangerous, and expensive. One example is when the mathematical rigor of physics, appropriate to the immediate impact, is misapplied to the adaptive behavior of biology. Another, the tortured historical reputation of nuclear technology, is misinterpreted as justifying a radiological protection policy of extreme caution.Specialized education and closed groups of experts tend to lock in interdisciplinary misperceptions. In the case of nuclear technology, the resulting lack of independent political confidence endangers the adoption of nuclear power as the replacement for fossil fuels. In the long term, nuclear energy is the only viable source of large-scale primary energy, but this requires a re-working of public understanding.

Don't bury Mexico's biodiversity capacity.

In a world where biodiversity is on the line on many fronts-from armed conflict to pandemics to climate change-defending institutions that have effectively managed it is paramount. In the global effort to protect biodiversity, Mexico has been at the forefront. In particular, for more than 30 years, Mexico's National Commission for the Knowledge and Use of Biodiversity (CONABIO) has promoted research, compiled information on the biodiversity of Mexico and elsewhere, and connected academia, government, and society to guide decision-making. Unfortunately, the demise of CONABIO, which began in 2018 under the current administration, may be fully realized soon. Last month, the Mexican government announced its intent to reduce CONABIO from a multi-ministry federal government agency to a branch within the environment ministry. This will strip CONABIO of its independent voice, credibility, and influence on national and international policy. As this decision is open for public comment, it is important for the scientific community to speak out strongly against this change.

Improving new energy subsidy efficiency considering learning effect: A case study on wind power.

Subsidy policies are instrumental in driving the development of new energy. However, the effective allocation of new energy subsidies over time is challenging given fiscal constraints. This study addresses this challenge by considering the learning effect associated with the new energy industry. A two-stage dynamic programming model is proposed to capture the investment decision-making process of companies under new energy subsidy policies and government subsidy setups. Theoretical findings suggest that company investment decisions in new energy are influenced by a guiding principle: The subsidy rate should be negatively correlated with the variation rate of production scale increment (VRPSI). We calibrate this investment decision principle using wind power data from 14 countries. According to this principle, excessive subsidy rates may result in a low VRPSI, thereby diminishing future investment profitability in the new energy industry and leading to subsidy inefficiency. Upon investigating the efficiency of annual subsidy allocation, we find that the subsidy rates were potentially set too high in 2014, 2016, and 2017. Furthermore, the government should exercise caution regarding an inefficient subsidy pattern whereby companies invest in new energy only when the subsidy rate exceeds a certain threshold, neglecting traditional power sources. It is crucial to note that although this study uses wind power industry data for calibration and simulation, the theoretical model can be broadly applied to other new energy industries and emerging industries with increasing marginal net profit.